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Bigest anti-fascist protest in Moscow since 2005

Discussion in 'Anarchism and radical activism' started by ungovernable, Jan 27, 2011.

  1. ungovernable

    ungovernableAutonome Staff Member Uploader Admin Team Experienced member




    Aug 21, 2009
    Male, 34 years old
    Canada Canada
    Moscow and russia is where the neo-nazis are the strongest and the most active in the world. Each year, they commit hundreds of murders.

    January 19th was the second year anniversary of the murder of two antifascists by the russian neo-nazis in moscow : Stanislav Markelov and Anastasia Babourova

    http://19jan.ru/eng-january-19-anti-fas ... eyewitness

    SOVA Center

    First and most importantly, despite organizational problems and the freezing weather, this action was the most massive non-political antifascist event since 2005.

    Second, the authorities achieved an acceptable compromise with the organizers (given the current practice of bans), but the actions of the police at the event provoked disorders. Those police apparently did not have orders to resort to harsh measures, however, and so the clashes did not escalate into an attempt to disperse the demonstration.

    Oleg Orlov (chair, Memorial)

    But at the end of Petrovsky Boulevard, at Trubnaya Square, fresh police cordons stopped the demonstrators. Here stood OMON units. Again the police called over megaphones for people to fold up their banners. Young people chanted something in reply. But there were no attempts to break through the cordon. More than that, I saw people began to fold up their banners. It was at this moment that the OMON special units drove a wedge into the crowd. They pushed people onto the ground, beat them, dragged them and detained them. And they didn’t just detain those who were holding placards or chanting something. In this way Sergei Krivenko and Alik Mnatsakanyan were detained. They tried to seize Misha Mazo, a member of Memorial who was standing next to me – possibly just for holding a portrait of one of those murdered in his hands.

    In total 23 or 24 people were detained and taken to Moscow’s Tverskaya district police station. It’s possible there were other detainees (there were accounts that some had been taken to Basmanny district police station, but the accuracy of these reports is uncertain).

    In my view there was no need for actions of this kind by the police. If one group of demonstrators did indeed conduct a small march without official sanction, it was exclusively along the Boulevard and in doing this they caused no interference to anyone. They were blocked in, and had no possibility to enter Trubnaya Square. No attempts were made to break out. And what’s most important, the participants began to fold up their banners and so on. Moreover, it may be that the police officers in charge viewed the actions the police were taking as a form of punishment of the demonstrators, which is absolutely against the law.

    Svetlana Gannushkina (Civic Assistance; Memorial)

    When they finally set foot on the boulevards, the demonstrators rushed to catch up with those who had left [the site of the first picket] ahead of them. But that was not going to happen: in the middle of the boulevard they were met by a column of gallant lads in uniform and wielding sticks, who blocked the path for each new group and “delayed” it for a time. When I found myself face to face with a policeman I asked:

    “What, you’re not letting us through?”

    “We’re letting people through in groups,” he explained.

    The sense of his words became clear to me when I heard someone rudely shout into a megaphone:

    “Let’s fold up the banners! Let’s get back on the sidewalk!”

    Since the police didn’t have banners, I realized that this first-person plural command was addressed to participants of the picket. This entire absurd action, in which several hundred police officials took part, was organized so that the event wouldn’t look like a march.


    What happened? Why did the police have to incite a riot? Who gave the order to break up this commemoration and turn it into bedlam?

    The protesters chanted, “Fascism shall not pass!” Is this really true? I am left with a bitter feeling in my heart.

    Nikolay Oleynikov (artist, Chto Delat workgroup)

    I have to record what I saw before it’s forgotten. It made a vivid impression on me because I was standing directly nearby when the incident happened. Now I’ve had a look at media accounts, and there are mistakes and inaccuracies in nearly all of them.

    The incident I have in mind is the stupid provocation undertaken by two policemen. They were between thirty and forty and wearing epaulettes. I’m not sure since I didn’t get a close look, but I think they had the rank of major or something like that. That is, they weren’t rookies, but they were completely brainless. What fools they made of themselves!

    The members of the [January 19 Committee] were standing under the monument to Griboyedov. One of them, whom I know personally, gave a short introduction. He said something to the effect that we were going to show a video, but at the last minute we got turned down on that request. Now the members of the committee will read aloud a brief proclamation. After this there will be a minute of silence, and then committee members will hand out candles and you can place them at the foot of the monument. Then the demonstration will be over. Thank you for coming out in such numbers.

    That was all he said.

    The next speaker pulled out the text of the proclamation and began reading it. This is when those two courageous provocateurs showed up and surrounded this guy who was reading the text. One of them then ripped the text from his hands. This committee member managed to say [into the megaphone], “A policeman has just ripped the text of the proclamation from my hands.” Right after this the second policeman then violently snatched the megaphone from the committee member, and both policemen grabbed him and, I think, tore the coat he was wearing. When they heard the words about the text being ripped from the speaker’s hands, people standing there really snapped. They got the speaker out of the clutches of the police and continued to advance on them. The provocateurs backed off. Then they tore down the fence at the back of the picket site and moved onto Chistoprudnyi Boulevard. This is where the crossfire began: activists threw snowballs, while the cops fired warning shots into the air.

    That is what happened.

    But there really were tons of decent folks at the action. It seemed like everyone there was one of our people, that we had all come together in the same place at the same time, and in minus twenty weather! It was all good.


    At the twenty-minute mark of the march, when the first column had succeeded in descending the hill to Trubnaya Square, someone on the sidewalk threw smoke grenades at the activists. Smoke shrouded the streets and the activists. And so, their faces wrapped in scarves to shield them from the minus twenty temperatures and police video cameras, the 15- to 20-year-old antifascists made their way to Chistye Prudy. Here the organizers had planned to show a four-minute video clip featuring one of Markelov’s last speeches, but a few hours before the march the police had forbidden them to show the video. The activists held up photographs of the murdered lawyer and journalist, posters, and antifascist banners. Amongst the crowd Yabloko party leader Sergei Mitrokhin, former party leader Grigory Yavlinsky, Left Front coordinator Sergei Udaltsov, and Solidarity executive director Denis Bilunov gave interviews to the press. Chief Russian human rights ombudsman Vladimir Lukin also came to the demonstration.

    An activist who had concealed half his face beneath a scarf began the demonstration. “Stanislav Markelov took on hopeless cases his whole life. In the courts he represented the relatives of murdered antifascists, the relatives of ordinary Chechens kidnapped and murdered by federal troops. He defended people who had been beaten by the police. He defended leftist activists tried for political offenses. In short, he was not merely a lawyer, but also a civil rights activist.”

    “Nastya chose journalism as a field of close social contact with people, as field where one could actively intervene in the life of the society, and that is why she entered Moscow State University. During the last year and a half of her life you could find her at [protests] at illegal construction sites and evictions, at ‘wild,’ unsanctioned demonstrations, at all the local trouble spots in Moscow. There is also nothing surprising about the fact that she took up the topic of Nazi violence.”

    The antifascist’s speech could be heard only in the front rows of the crowd — the authorities had also forbidden the organizers to use an amplifier and speakers.

    The member of the oppositional January 19 Committee, which organized the action, continued to list the merits of the lawyer and journalist who perished a year ago, when suddenly an arm appeared from out of the crowd and ripped the text of his speech from his hands. The activist managed to get out, “Police officers have just confiscated…,” before someone grabbed his megaphone.

    The demonstrators began chanting, “Shame! Shame!” In response the police began pushing them back from the boulevard, and men in grey coats [i.e., the police] began grabbing for the speaker. That is when the demonstrators joined arms to form compact ranks and advanced on the police.

    Thus began a massive fight with the police in downtown Moscow.

    First the antifa and their supporters fought off the police from dragging the activist who had been leading the demonstration only a few minutes before into a police van. After throwing the metal barriers and pushing police back, the column of antifascists set off down Chistoprudnyi Boulevard. Several hundred antifascists marched ahead, their comrades pushing them forward from behind, and the police had no choice but to give way. After the column had advanced several dozen meters, the police officers got their bearings, and helmeted and baton-wielding OMON troops charged in to rescue their confused colleagues. Special weapons were brought into play: the antifascists who had become cut off from the main column choked on pepper spray that was sprayed on them either by police officers or by unknown provocateurs. (According to Lev Ponomarev, head of the movement For Human Rights, four people were detained with pepper spray canisters.)

    The police began detaining the antifascists. They were pushed to the ground, dragged face down through the snow, and tossed over the barriers. Twenty-four people were detained on Chistoprudnyi Boulevard. The antifascists managed to free several comrades on their own. Another portion of the detainees were freed in exchange for a promise made the civil rights activists. Lev Ponomarev gave his word to General Vyacheslav Kozlov, deputy head of the Moscow police force, that the antifa would disperse if their comrades were released. The promise was fulfilled, and the general also kept his word: the detainees were released from the police vans and buses. The remaining detainees (thirty to forty people, according to various sources) were released later in the evening.

    Ilya B. (Vpered Socialist Movement)

    What happened on January 19 in Moscow is really quite important, and not only because this was probably the largest mass street action in recent years. And not only because a new culture of street politics, a culture of resistance, was born before our very eyes and with our participation. On January 19, Russian Nazis suffered a real defeat. Of course, this was not a final or decisive defeat, but it was the first serious, palpable defeat for them. This was primarily a moral defeat. Their claims to street hegemony were countered in a genuine way for the first time. Their Sieg-Heiling marches, terror, and provocations were opposed by a mass force, a force that declared its existence at the top of its lungs on January 19. And it was and is only for the sake for this supremely important political goal that it is worth making any tactical compromises and forming the broadest coalitions. Despite the absence of political symbols and slogans [as agreed on by the organizers], the spirit of the demonstration was unambiguously leftist, anti-capitalist, and anti-systemic. I think this was obvious to all who participated in the demonstration.

    One other important intermediate result was the obvious tactical defeat suffered by the police, yet another testimony to the growing crisis of the entire modern Russian law enforcement system. The police’s stupid provocations, uncoordinated actions, and the ineffectiveness and absurdity of their constant attempts to interfere with the demonstration revealed their dumb anger and fear (which in this particular situation was almost groundless), but not their will to break up the demonstration in an organized way.

    In Germany, for example, the police are a thousand times more effective against demonstrators. Their main idea is to divide protesters — to isolate those more inclined to violence, while showing courtesy and respect to everyone else’s right to protest as circumscribed by the law. In Russia (and January 19 was a vivid illustration of this), the police act in a directly opposite manner: they anger, radicalize, and incite to resistance those who come to protests in a peaceable frame of mind. All this is not a matter of one-off miscalculations or a lack of professionalism [on the part of the police], but evidence of the ever-deepening demotivation of the system. But it is another (large and complicated) question, what positive aspects there are to this process and what dangers it holds in store for us.

    http://chtodelat.wordpress.com/2010/01/ ... yewitness/

  2. punkmar77

    punkmar77Experienced Member Staff Member Uploader Admin Team Experienced member




    Nov 13, 2009
     United States

    Fans of Moscow's soccer clubs and a group of right-wing protesters rally in central Moscow December 11, 2010.

    Credit: Reuters/Nikolai Korchekov

    MOSCOW | Mon Jan 17, 2011 12:37pm EST

    MOSCOW (Reuters) - Russian President Dmitry Medvedev on Monday urged a crackdown on far-right nationalists, the latest government effort to curb neo-Nazi movements after Moscow saw the worst racial clashes since the fall of the Soviet Union. Neo-nationalist movements have been gaining ground and boosting their membership over the past year, shocking authorities and many ordinary Russians. At rallies, some tout swastikas and chant slogans such as "Russia is for Russians!"

    "Recall the unfortunate example of Nazi Germany. This ultimately struck a blow to German nation," Medvedev told top lawmakers. "All Nazis, independent of where they come from... they simply undermine the cultural foundations of our state."

    In December Moscow saw the worst nationalist riots in its post-Soviet history, with police unable to stop some 7,000 aggressive youths who gathered near the Kremlin from beating people of non-Slavic appearance.

    Prime Minister Vladimir Putin has condemned the unrest, calling it "xenophobia."

    In remarks shown on state-run television, Medvedev said: "Intolerance, aggression and closed-mindedness are phenomena that, as a rule, occupy the lowest levels of culture.

    "These developments must be countered with a serious response...Inter-ethnic peace and harmony is important for everyone."

    The racial violence was sparked by the December 6 killing of Yegor Sviridov, a Spartak Moscow soccer fan, during a fight between a group of ethnic Russians and migrants from the mainly Muslim North Caucasus, Russia's most volatile region.

    About a fifth of Russia's 142 million people are Muslims.

    Last week a heavy police presence managed to mute a neo-nationalist rally in the center of Moscow that organizers said would protest against people from the North Caucasus.

    Critics say the Kremlin is to blame for the rise in neo-nationalist movements, arguing they have been allowed to flourish in recent years.

    Unlike many human rights activists and the country's marginalized gay community, neo-nationalists have been allowed to hold rallies -- a right guaranteed by the Russian constitution.

    Early last year a Russian judge who sentenced neo-nationalists for hate crimes, Eduard Chuvashov, was shot dead in the stairwell of his apartment as he left for work. His attackers remain at large.

    The violence and the frequency of racist incidents involving Russian fans have raised concerns about security during the 2018 World Cup, which Russia will host.

  3. vAsSiLy77

    vAsSiLy77Experienced Member Uploader Experienced member Forum Member




    Jun 21, 2010
    I wouldn't generalize it that way - last years "stuttgart 21" protests in germoney were completely non-violent, many protesters were people you usually not see at rallies or other protests - many school kids, elders and middle class people, but the cops started rioting in a way that was discussed for weeks in the media after hundreds of people were beaten and wounded seriously. The same thing happened again at the castor blockades where it was documented with a multitude of video clips showing the desperate attempts of the cops to ignite violent resistance with brutal attacks on non-violent protesters.
    The tendency of the cops to divide into "good" and "bad" protesters doesn't really work - it's too much depending on the cause of the protest, I think - so they resort more often than usual to violence, maybe just to deter future protests with the simple threat "join them - and get beaten too".
    I think we can expect that this tendency will get even more worse in the future because the conflicts and reasons to protest get more serious and widespread throughout the whole society and the big problem of the question how to react is always the realistic/correct estimation of the actual situation.
    This one is the really important part - no matter how much beating we have to suffer, we should continue at all costs to give an example of a counter-culture of resistance, solidarity and finally of the alternative of the ruling system to the people still undecided. I think it's the only way to break the apathy and fear of the still uninvolved majority and to encourage them to start joining the movement.